Plato Means Business in the Republic

The impact of Plato's Republic upon political, social and educational thought within Western civilisation is incalculable, and yet, the manipulative management principles underpinning this philosophical masterpiece are frequently ignored. This scholarly oversight is regrettable and in need of correction. After identifying the basic Platonic philosophy embodied within the Republic, in the following article Anton Karl Kozlovic analyzes this classic text through the lens of Human Resource Management. Identifying eleven elements of Plato's job-cum-person specification for the philosopher-king position, Kozlovic concludes that his blueprint prescription for a utopian State was fundamentally designed to guarantee Plato's own political ascendancy and personal security.

Plato Means Business in the Republic: A Human Resource Management Critique of the Philosopher-King

Anton Karl Kozlovic

Introduction

<1> Exploring the interface between 20th century management principles and the classical world is innovative and relatively new, but not unheard of in the recent past. For example, Greg Latemore and Victor Callan (1998) used Homer's The Odyssey to illustrate leadership lessons. Charles Handy (1995) used four Greek gods (i.e., Zeus, Apollo, Athena, Dionysius) as role models to show managers how to run their own businesses more effectively. While conventional histories of management thought routinely examined the ancient world for its insights, contributions and other ideational antecedence that underpinned their discipline (George Jr., 1972). However, the value of this interdisciplinary cross-fertilisation does not stop here. The exchange between knowledge domains is not one-way. Twentieth century management principles can also be used to reanalyse problems from the classical world.

<2> It is argued that insights from the contemporary business discipline of Human Resource Management (HRM) [1 ] can be profitably used to settle some of the scholarly debates surrounding Plato's Republic. This innovative methodological approach not only allows a deeper understanding of this classic text, but it can also reveal other ulterior motives for Plato's impressive blueprint for a sociopolitical utopia. The critical literature was reviewed and integrated into the text to enhance narrative coherence using textual criticism as the analytical lens. Albeit, the literary nature of the Republic, the novel methodology employed, and the speculative nature of the argument requires a strong, but necessary reportage flavour, sometimes bordering on the combative, to deal adequately with the issues. So, what exactly is Plato's philosophy within the Republic about, and how can a HRM viewpoint inform that philosophical debate?

Platonic Philosophy: Insights and Issues

<3> The Republic has been acclaimed as a "masterpiece" (Solomon & Higgins, 1996, p. 53), "the original source of the rationalist tradition in Western civilization" (Lavine, 1989, p. 65), and the "most famous dialogue among the educated public at large" (Ferre, 1996, p. 47). Supposedly, "the whole of Western philosophy is but a set of footnotes to Plato" (Danto, 1990, p. 18), who was "the greatest writer in philosophy" (Solomon & Higgins, 1996, p. 49) and "the father of all rationalist philosophers" (de Bono, 1976, p. 22). Not surprisingly, he had an incalculable impact upon political, social and educational thought throughout Western civilisation. Because of his centuries long cultural impact and the many impressive accolades the Republic still generates today, it is somewhat disturbing to find that other scholars were not so enamoured with his Kallipolis proposal. For example, they claimed that "the Republic preaches totalitarianism...the ideal city...it describes is a police state" (Reeve, 1988, p. xi), and that Plato, "the fascist" (de Bono, 1997, p. xvi), is "an absolute bastard no better than Hitler, Stalin or Pol Pot" (De Crescenzo, 1990, p. 63). Particularly intriguing is Plato's use of the fictional character Socrates (named after the historical figure Socrates) to explore the nature of justice within his idealised society.

The Ideal State: Utopia Before UTOPIA

<4> Plato had rooted his perfect society in a meta-biological metaphor, namely: the State was man writ large. Therefore, like the "just" man who harmonised the rational, spirited and appetitive elements of his warring nature under the governorship of his intelligence, the "just" State would harmonise its societal nature via three counterbalancing social stratifications. Namely: (a) the guardian/ruling class (i.e., kings/governors), (b) the auxiliary/military class (i.e., soldiers), and (c) the working/producing class (i.e., farmers, businessmen, the man-on-the-street, but not slaves). All three social stratifications were to be governed by the guardians, who were considered the "king-bees in a hive" (Plato, 1978, p. 324) [2 ]. This semi-organic, tripartite caste system was roughly characterised by the Thracian Sophist Thrasymachus (representing Intellect), the warlord Polemarchus (representing Courage and Spirit), and the retired businessman Cephalus (representing the Appetitive). For Plato, the "Ideal State is presented as the social embodiment of justice. The division of functions in the state is the principle which expresses the nature of justice" (Melling, 1987, p. 84). Therefore, the "Republic is not merely a political tract; it is an allegory of the government of a man's own soul" (Lewis, 1969, p. 41).

<5> Plato conceived of State harmony being achieved through five long-term manipulative strategies. Firstly, regulated sexuality via marriage festivals, aka "state-run orgies" (Green, 1995, p. 4) that involved State-rigged (i.e., non-random) mating lotteries. Secondly, controlled breeding to maintain class purity (via abortion, infanticide and eugenics). Thirdly, educational streaming (i.e., knowledge apartheid). Fourthly, rigorous guardian selection criteria and associated weeding-out processes. Fifthly, and most importantly of all, the adoption of a non-interference policy. Why this policy? Because Plato believed that: "'Interference by the three classes with each other's jobs, and interchange of jobs between them, therefore, does the greatest harm to our state, and we are entirely justified in calling it the worst of evils" (p. 206). In effect, this prescription was the ancient Greek equivalent of the "granfallon" political propaganda device, that is, "a false an arbitrary sense of belonging to a group...[that] creates a false sense of 'we' and 'they'" (Bednall & Kanuk, 1997, p. 576). In essence, Plato's ideal State is a semi-benign dictatorship, an oligarchic aristocracy of merit, a hierarchically structured, organisationally static, non-evolving, anti-democratic, dogmatic, communised society. It was "the Athenian idealisation of the Egyptian system of castes" (Nersesyants, 1986, p. 113), and a place where the intelligence of the elite few were to control the passions of the mundane many.

The Noble Lie and the Myth of Metals

<6> One of Plato's considerable practical problems that needed to be overcome was to convince the inhabitants of his brave new world that they were fit for one and only one of the three classes of jobs available. Being astutely aware of human nature, and the natural resistance to eschewing social mobility forever, Plato and his guardian class had to resort to a "magnificent myth" (p. 181) to justify their hive-society. Tellingly, this "magnificent myth" has also been translated within the philosophical literature as: "fine fiction" (Melling, 1987, p. 84), "well-bred lie" (Craig, 1994, p. 202), "beautiful lie" (Blankenship, 1996, p. 70) and "noble lie" (Reeve, 1988, p. 211). In reality, this (ig)noble lie was essentially propaganda. It took the form of a foundation myth of metals that proposed that the three stratified classes represented palpable differences between the essential natures of men, and which the gods themselves had deliberately cast.

<7> Plato likened these essential differences to gold (representing guardians), silver (representing auxiliaries), and iron-bronze (representing workers). In effect, it was an ancient triadic form of Taylorism which "gave to the economic sciences their first theory of specialization or the division of labor" (George Jr., 1972, p. 15). This formulation also suggested the concepts of corporate-culture-as-social-culture, managerial meritocracy, and most worryingly of all, management-by-deceit. That is, "establishing superiority and winning support by misrepresentation and chicanery--luring employees into compliance and agreement by artful dodges and tricks" (Iuppa, 1985, p. 70).

<8> Indeed, Plato's utopian social hierarchy is an example of what Nicholas Iuppa (1985) called Cosmic Management. That is:

Controlling people by appealing to their need to belong to an orderly system...this metaphysical approach to control is the cornerstone of many Oriental disciplines and religions. It's part of the Communist ideology and philosophical systems ranging from Plato to Teilhard de Chardin...recognize it for what it really is: Management by Seduction (p. 125).

Indeed, in addition to Management by Seduction, it was also Management by Hypocrisy. Why? Because Plato argued that "we must value truthfulness highly" (p. 144), and not engage in "falsehood" (p. 144), except for the guardian class whom could lie freely for the good of (Plato's) society. In that very process, it also became Paternalistic Management of the very condescending kind.

Philosophers: The Master Class

<9> Plato was a professional philosopher who "came from families of the ruling aristocracy at the height of the Periclean glory" (Buchanan, 1979, p. 30). Naturally, he considered the societal apex to be the gold-like guardians whose "prestige is greatest" (p. 182), simply because it was the rational component of the State's body. Consequently, these master class guardians with high aspiration levels were to be educated as philosophers; the science of rationality itself, in their life-long quest for educationally based authoritarianism. As Plato argued:

The society we have described can never grow into a reality or see the light of day, and there will be no end to the troubles of states, or indeed, my dear Glaucon, of humanity itself, till philosophers become kings in this world, or till those we now call kings and rulers really and truly become philosophers, and political power and philosophy thus come into the same hands (p. 263) [my emphasis].

<10> In short, philosophical knowledge, experience and competence would be the prime qualification for political authority/kingship. Therefore, philosophers should comprise the ruling elite because they are the best candidates for the job. Due to their unique preparatory training, their synoptic vision of interrelationships, and because it was supposedly in natural sympathy with their divinely given, gold-like natures (i.e., they were literally made/born to rule).

<11> James Feibleman (1975, p. 53) considered that Plato's social engineering intent was pure: "He was looking for balance and perfection, and hoped for a structure in which each individual could do what it is best for him to do." Others, however, were not so sure of his true intent. As Douglas Woodruff (1926, p. 98) cynically argued in his parody Plato's American Republic: "in the end the guardians will control the central government, and then they can do what they like with the country, and make brave changes and substitute a noble rule for an ignoble one."

The Guardian Position Statement: Wanted, Supreme Ruler!

<12> Presumably, to generate feelings of guardianship aversion and dissuade dissatisfied citizens who felt a palpable loss because of their engineered social exclusion in his utopia, Plato highlighted the less positive aspects of the top job. He went to great pains to demonstrate that the philosopher-king position, and guardianship in general, was not supposed to be a position of wealth, ease, hedonistic privilege or reckless abandon. Rather, it was characterised as an austere position entailing a number of significant privations. For example, Plato specified "strenuous exercises in their physical training" (p. 174). Secondly, this hard work was to be complemented with arduous mental training (e.g., music, mathematics, science, dialectics). Thirdly, there was to be abstinence from alcohol. In fact, Plato argued that: "A guardian is the last person in the world to get drunk and not know where he is" (p. 166). Fourthly, they had to adopt simplistic eating habits that excluded "seasonings...the luxury of Syracusan and Sicilian cooking...[or the] delights of Attic confectionery" (p. 167). Fifthly, there was to be an eschewing of "Corinthian girl-friends" (p. 167) and associated sexual delights. Sixthly, they had to adopt a life of poverty. As Plato boldly argued, guardians "shall have no private property beyond the barest essentials" (p. 184). Overall, there is little doubt that the lazy, gluttonous, selfish, possessive, lecherous, rich and materialistically orientated job candidates would have been suitably appalled by these prohibitions. Prohibitions that would normally be considered the usual job perks for such a high office.

<13> One suspects that Plato had imagined rival job candidates whose above-defined predilections he was acutely aware of. Therefore, he cunningly factored these competitors out of the race in this innocent-looking way, especially regarding Corinthian sex that Plato acknowledged had significant "persuading" (p. 239) power. But more importantly, because "Of love between the sexes, so far as we know, he had no experience, nor would have valued it highly" (Desmond Lee, p. 46). As Douglas Woodruff (1926, p. 79) impishly implied in his American parody, women were "not so attractive as our Grecian youths." Only a non-sexual or gay philosopher could seriously imagine that philosophy was better than heterosexual sex. Plato was apparently describing himself in this guardian profile and making sure that the sexually active, heterosexual competition knew what they were going to lose if they pursued the top job. In effect, Plato was dissuading potential job applicants by using a business strategy that Scott Adams (1996, p. 86) called a "false sacrifice." That is, making others believe that your are perfectly genuine in your serious offer to give up something very important, but that you know full well you would not want or miss anyway.

Popper's Peeve: Plato as King

<14> Not surprisingly, some commentators considered the Republic to be "a handbook for aspiring dictators" (Crossman, 1971, p. 1). Or like Sir Karl Popper, thought that Plato's ideal State was essentially anti-enlightenment, anti-progressive, anti-justice, totalitarian in intent, and in the final analysis, the embodiment of Plato's personal power aspirations. This was even more devious as he had hid his personal power aspirations behind the creation of an intimate compact between education and political policy. As Popper argued:

Thus we see that nobody but Plato himself knew the secret of, and held the key to, true guardianship. But this can mean only one thing. The philosopher king is Plato himself, and the Republic is Plato's own claim for kingly power - to the power which he thought his due, uniting in himself, as he did, both the claims of the philosopher and of the descendant and legitimate heir of Codrus the martyr, the last of Athens' kings, who, according to Plato, had sacrificed himself 'in order to preserve the kingdom for his children' (Popper, 1966, p. 153).

<15> Plato being Codrus' obvious child/heir-cum-beneficiary, and in effect, Plato is saying: "Here am I...your natural ruler, the philosopher king who knows how to rule. If you want me, you must come to me, and if you insist, I may become your ruler. But I shall not come begging to you" (Popper, 1966, pp. 154-155). Consequently, Popper concluded: "I think we must face the fact that behind the sovereignty of the philosopher king stands the quest for power. The beautiful portrait of the sovereign is a self-portrait" (Popper, 1966, p. 155). If we take a Human Resource Management perspective on how Plato cunningly defined the necessary guardian prerequisites for the top job, then there is considerable substance to Popper's unflattering assessment of Plato and the idea of the philosopher-king.

Plato: A Human Resource Management Perspective

<16> With HRM-focused eyes, it is easy to see that Plato had strategically matched eleven prerequisites for the philosopher-king position with his own unique qualifications. In effect, Plato had acted like owner-managers who construct position documents (i.e., job descriptions; person specifications) to describe, without looking like nepotism, discrimination, or violating the law, their predetermined candidate of choice. In its unethical mode, this practice is a job-for-the-boys tactic (i.e., brute favoritism hidden behind the veneer of science and impartiality), and therefore unlikely to be admitted too in public or print. In its more acceptable mode, it is called succession planning, and designed to ensure that someone who is sound, safe and trusted is left in charge of the company (Young, 1986, pp. 158-159). Alternatively, this person is destined to follow the manager to his new company; after all, "Many managers who move companies often take some people with them. They may have chosen people who complement them and build up a new team whom they trust" (Stewart, 1997, p. 186), and who will automatically get the job irrespective of the selection process. In its disquieting, but understandable mode, it can also be the very means of entrenching nepotism. For example, only the founder's descendents are to inherent the family firm and so they get the job regardless of the superior qualities of any other applicant. This astute scripting of position documents is akin to employees who write their own performance reviews (Adams, 1996, chpt. 7), or compose their own termination notices so as to enhance their image (Davis & Jensen, 1984, p. 74). The following explication imaginatively suggests (with a satirical tinge) how Plato formally engineered his philosopher-kingship aspiration.

1.0 The Guardian Should Be Educated and Mature

<17> Plato argued: "Grant, then, education and maturity to round them off, and aren't they the only people to whom you would entrust your state?" (p. 280). "'Well, it is obvious that the elder must govern, and the younger be governed'. That is obvious'" (p. 178). "And when they are fifty, those who have come through all our practical and intellectual tests with distinction must be brought to their final trial" (p. 354) [my emphasis]. Plato had considered that a man was in his physical prime, and even fit for child rearing "until he is fifty-five" (p. 242), after which guardians could be left "to mate as they please" (p. 242). Presumably, as a company fringe benefit. But why fifty plus years-of-age? According to Desmond Lee, Plato was born in "427 BC" (p. 11) and the Republic was "written round about 375 B.C." (p. 19), which made him approximately fifty-two (=427-375) years old at the time of its production. In short, Plato was describing and headhunting himself. Interestingly, the "dramatic date of the dialogue is commonly supposed to be just before 420 B.C., when Socrates would be about fifty" (p. 60) [my emphasis]. This strongly suggests that Plato powerfully identified himself with the ill-fated historical Socrates around his own half-century mark.

<18> As a practical consequence of this educated-and-mature specification, the majority of Greek citizens were not even considered for the executive short-list because of this ancient form of age discrimination. Even more cunning, Plato had simultaneously decimated the aspirations of those legitimate job candidates who had natural advantages over him, namely, strength, youth and vigor. Plato had also thoughtfully engineered for himself State-sanctioned recreational sex in his imminent old age, above and beyond the "state-run orgies" (Green, 1995, p. 4). This was certainly a better fringe benefit than the gold watches at retirement for 20th century managers. It might be lonely at the top of Plato's utopia, but it was certainly going to be a lot of fun post-retirement, regardless of his sexual orientation or partnership luck in the past.

2.0 The Chances of Finding a Guardian Type Was Rare

<19> As Plato strategically argued: "'Won't the Guardians, in fact, be far fewer in number than any other group with special knowledge and name?' 'Yes'" (p. 198). "'Think how few of them there are likely to be" (p. 301). This subtle winnowing prescription disguised as common sense certainly enhanced Plato's job aspirations by suggesting the rarity of the successful candidate. A candidate just like Plato himself, a uniquely accomplished professional with an impeccable pedigree, including a family link to the great Athenian statesman Pericles. Indeed, the linkage between Plato and Pericles by definition alone indicated Plato's intrinsic rarity, and it would certainly impress those concerned about genealogical status as a prerequisite for political rulership. It also had the effect of automatically devaluing other job candidates who did not exhibit the quality of rarity or have any honoured family associations.

3.0 The Guardian Must Be a Philosopher by Training and Disposition

<20> Philosophical knowledge, skill, disposition and experience was Plato's quintessential personal asset. This helps explain why he passionately argued for the fusion of philosophy, political power and guardianship when he said: "'but now let me be brave and say that our Guardians, in the fullest sense, must be philosophers.' 'So be it'" (p. 300). "'And so our properly good guardian will have the following characteristics: a philosophic disposition, high spirits, speed, and strength.' 'I entirely agree'" (p. 128). In this way, Plato was self-servingly viewing the world through his own shade of rose-coloured glasses.

<21> This was a manipulative self-selection tactic to be historically repeated by the French Positivist, Saint-Simon. He had suggested a "'priesthood of sociologists,' after which the task of organizing society must be given to scientists and industrialists" (Thomas, 1991, p. 342). Indeed:

...related ideas are to be found in the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church as conceived and formulated by Hildebrand (after 1073, Pope Gregory VII) in the eleventh century. The communist idea of the active, dynamic elite and the structure of the communist party are also reminiscent of Plato's distribution of tasks. In the Nazi ideology, with its Fuhrer (leader) and his bodyguards (S.S.), we have an example of The Republic studied and exploited in a spirit far removed from that in which it was written (Lund, Pihl & Slok, 1972, p. 72).

Or maybe not so far removed, it also being a blueprint for many draconian science fiction worlds ruled by dictatorial elites (Sheckley, 1978), and as graphically illustrated in the popular SF film Logan's Run (1976, dir. Michael Anderson).

4.0 The Guardian Should Display Outstanding Professional Skills

<22> This person specification entailed that the philosopher-king was able "to ask and answer questions with the highest degree of understanding" (p. 346). Not surprisingly, Plato was such a skilled questioner who had a persuasive vocabulary and much experience in linguistic combat and the other arts of verbal self-defence, especially given his practising professional philosopher (PPP) license. After all, Plato was the founder of the Academy, "in effect the world's first university" (Stevenson, 1987, p. 28) or at least "the first university in Europe" (Desmond Lee, p. 37). Therefore, Plato could easily display initiative and commitment to the guardianship position because of his unique educational entrepreneurship, his proven professional track record, and his considerable sales engineer abilities. After all, his philosophical discourses demonstrated high levels of understanding and brilliance, and his preferred delivery mode was dialectical cross-examination, "Plato's method for self-examination and the reform of common-sense beliefs" (Irwin, 1989, p. 114). In addition, his privileged social background within Greek society gave Plato another uniquely exploitable advantage over his competition.

5.0 The Guardian Could Not Come from the Commoners

<23> The aristocratic Plato, who was "something of a snob" (Desmond Lee, p. 51), argued that "philosophy is impossible among the common people.' 'Quite impossible'" (p. 289). He thus eliminated all those rival candidates who were mature, intelligent, over fifty-years-old, businessmen, farmers and soldiers (i.e., the silver and iron-bronze men). This prescription automatically weeded out two-thirds of Plato's competition for a second time because, by definition, they were not the required gold class men needed for the top job. This meant that Athenian Democracy, the "common touch," and grass roots governing were not specified blueprint features of Plato's utopia. Indeed, "Plato has no message for the mass of ordinary people" (Lewis, 1969, p. 41), other than to stay put socially and submit to the control of the gold class guardians unquestioningly. Just like what many bosses expect of their workforce today.

<24> Having successfully eliminated the bulk of his Greek rivals, Plato then had to eliminate the remainder of the eligible gold class applicants, and he succeeded in doing this by generating his own form of brand loyalty. The philosopher-king was not to be well versed in just any old philosophy currently in vogue; it had to be specifically relevant for statesmanship, that is, Plato's academic specialty. This effectively eliminated his pressing competitors Isocrates, Antisthenes and the Sophists with whom he was having a turf war. For example, "Isocrates thought Plato unrealistic, Plato thought Isocrates superficial" (Desmond Lee, p. 281), and especially because Isocrates was an Academy business rival who "also engaged in training young men for public life" (Stumpf, 1993, p. 50).

6.0 The Guardian Had to Have a Proven, Respectable Track Record

<25> Plato argued that: "'...the man who has a real love of learning will yearn for the whole truth from his earliest years.' 'Certainly'" (p. 278). This specification therefore automatically worked against any rival who might want the top job as soon as it was officially announced regardless of the particulars of their personal history, and because it matched Plato's own track record. Not only had the PPP Plato fulfilled the longevity criteria, having adopted philosophy as "a way of life" (Stumpf, 1993, p. 48), but he had already demonstrated an interest in all types of philosophical wisdom. Indeed, Plato had considered wisdom as another essential job specification when he claimed: "'And so a philosopher's passion is for wisdom of every kind without distinction?' 'True'" (p. 268). This helps explain while the Republic, ostensively about the rigorous examination of the concept of justice, contained tacked-on philosophical forays into the theory of art and the immortality of the soul. Indeed, what better way to recycle old unpublished arguments wallowing in the bottom draw of Plato's Academy desk? Talk about turning a disadvantage into an advantage.

<26> Nor were the potential candidates for the philosopher-king position to be confused with anyone just voicing opinions. Plato was strident about this specification: "'And those whose hearts are fixed on the true being of each thing are to be called philosophers and not lovers of opinion?' 'Yes, certainly.'" (p. 276). They also had to be able to grasp the eternal and the immutable, an essential sub-component of this specialisation. As Plato argued: "'One trait in the philosopher's character we can assume is his love of any branch of learning that reveals eternal reality, the realm unaffected by the vicissitudes of change and decay.' 'Agreed'" (p. 277). The job candidates also had to have truth-discriminating ability. As Plato put it: "But surely "blind" is just how you would describe men who have no true knowledge of reality, and no clear standard of perfection in their mind to which they can turn" (p. 277). "At any rate a man will not be a very useful Guardian of what is right and valuable if he does not know in what their goodness consists" (p. 304).

<27> Not surprisingly, Plato presented himself as an unopinionated, true philosopher who sought the ideal, the real and the good. He was also vitally interested in all types of philosophy as evidenced in his writings, especially in the Republic which ranged through politics, religion, education, ethics and art. In effect, the Republic was Plato's product portfolio-cum-academic credentials-cum-personal advert for the top job. Therefore, again, Plato managed to weed out more of the remaining legitimate competition, namely, those mature gold class applicants who had comparable philosophical knowledge, training and disposition.

<28> As Bertrand Russell (1988, p. 131) put it: "Although all the rulers are to be philosophers, there are to be no innovations: a philosopher is to be, for all time, a man who understands and agrees with Plato," or better yet, let Plato be the ruler. Sir Karl Popper was right about him. Indeed, as Desmond Lee pointed out: "Plato would have excluded from his state all poetry of the type to which he objects" (p. 157), which supports Russell's procrustean accusation. In fact, Plato would have automatically expected this sort of controlling power as an inalienable right of the prime guardian. Just like many 20th century bosses. These gold class guardians of the business world (who own gold master cards) who expect their instructions to be automatically obeyed because of their owner/controller, or stockholder-decreed divine right of management. Harmony is of course assured only as long as one enacts the boss' will.

7.0 The Guardian Should Display Desirable Personal Characteristics

<29> This character based person specification was apparently a sop to those who considered personalistic attributes relevant to rulership. Plato advocated keen perception, readiness to learn, speed in pursuit, strength, courage, self-control, balance, spirituality, fearlessness, a gentle disposition, truthfulness, a good memory, a sense of proportion etc. (see pp. 276-280). All of which one suspects were the qualities Plato exhibited (or thought he did), and indicative of his own proclivities for intellectual raconteurship. Indeed, throughout the Republic, Plato liked to give the impression that he is thinking on his feet by feigning weakness (see pp. 260-261), presumably as a not-so-subtle indicator of his intellectual nimbleness. However, like all politician-salesmen-managers, Plato had to sell himself in addition to his products/ideas/services.

8.0 Experience at Guardianship Was Not Critical

<30> Plato argued that: "clear" knowledge was more important than experience from a "blind" man: "'Yes, blind is just about what they are.' 'Shall we make them Guardians then? Or shall we prefer the philosophers, who have learned to know each true reality, and have no less practical experience, and can rival them in all departments of human excellence'" (p. 277). As an aspiring governor/guardian/philosopher-king, Plato's practical rulership experience was non-existent, but he hoped to substitute (and fudge) philosophical experience for this glaring resume omission. Like all good job applicants, Plato neutralised his most obvious disadvantage while applauding his unrivalled advantage in accordance with standard job interview tactics. Namely, "If your experience is limited, stress the key profile traits, your relevant interests...be prepared to handle and overcome the negative by stressing additional complementary skills that compensate" (Yate, 1992, p. 66). Plato had no practical work experience as a ruler or philosopher-king, but if we were to believe him, he would have made a damn good one if just given the chance. This was the fundamental premise and goal underpinning Plato's Republic proposal.

9.0 The Guardian Should Not Be Tainted by Wealth or Power Lust

<31> Plato's philosopher-king "will be self-controlled and not grasping about money" (p. 278). One suspects that philosophy did not pay much in Plato's day compared to his politically connected, richer, businessmen rivals, which prompted this cunning weeding-out specification that could not significantly hurt him. Plato also believed that power should not be given to those who lust after it because "the only men to get power should be men who do not love it" (p. 325), or at least give that impression. This was a masterstroke because Plato had cunningly eliminated from the short-list all those persons who, by definition, wanted the guardian job in the first place. What a better way to decimate your competition than by disqualifying them in the very act of identifying them. Plato had again masterfully turned a disadvantage into an advantage. It would make any political negotiator today beam with envy and respect.

10.0 Guardians Had to Have Links With the Divine

<32> Plato also strategically engineered a network connection with the gods to further legitimate himself. As he claimed: "'So the philosopher whose dealings are with the divine order himself acquires characteristics of order and divinity so far as man may...That is all very true'" (p. 297). This was the halo effect in action, namely, status by association, with further implications of divine de facto mentoring. Not only was divine enhancement and non-PPP jealousies the industrial diseases of his profession, but Plato reinforced his sacred links by claiming: "My own divine sign, I think, hardly counts, as hardly anyone before me has had it" (p. 292). What muted modesty and proactive cunning. This comment was another subtle hint about his godliness and intrinsic rarity. It was also the ancient world equivalent of name-dropping designed to differentiate him from the rest of the philosopher herd affected by divine radiation. Therefore, more of his rivals fell by the proverbial wayside because they could not match this specification.

<33> Just as importantly, it also provided Plato with further protection against accusations of religious heresy that had bedevilled the historical Socrates. Nor are such business-religion connections unusual or eschewed today, as evidenced by the innumerable Christian style God-owns-my-business arguments (Tam & Anderson, 1969). Or as demonstrated by Tim Ambler's (1996, p. 347) proposal that marketeers adopt Zen Buddhism to get an edge on their competitors because: "Marketing is Zen followed by now." Or Nicholas Iuppa's (1985, pp. 111-117) advocating of Zen Management for similar oneupmanship reasons. Similarly, Thomas Behr (1997) recommended the adoption of Taoist philosophy, especially wu-wei (non-acting action derived from the Tao Te Ching), as another oneupmanship style religious selling aide. Having established his own divine connections, Plato then tried not to upset those lesser mortals who were still his superiors but who could easily squash his power aspirations, if not his very life, Socrates style.

11.0 The Guardian Should Not Upset too Many of the Old Established Ways

<34> As a pupil of, and intimate witness to the State-executed historical Socrates, the tarnished-by-association Plato was viewed suspiciously by the Athenian rulers. This fact presumably prompted the following act of political kowtowing: "we will appoint as Guardians whichever of them seem able to guard the laws and customs of society.' 'Right'" (p. 276). This was Plato's engineered protection against any establishment backlash, and an easily quotable escape clause built into his guardianship sales pitch should he later be challenged over his social engineering radicalism. Like all good job candidates, Plato had to image-manage himself in such a creatively ambiguous way that he appeared indispensable and non-threatening to his future employers while actively planning to supplant them. Just like the ruthless young Eve (Anne Baxter) did to Margo Channing (Bette Davis) in All About Eve (1950, dir. Joseph L. Mankiewicz).

<35> Therefore, it is not too surprising to find that Plato's ideal Republic had much in common with the Athenian city-state that had nurtured him. Hopefully, it would soon give Plato his starring new role in the top job as the philosopher-king. It also made cunning business sense because: "If you want to succeed in any organization, you have to appear to play by their rules" (Lareau, 1985, p. 25) [my emphasis]. Indeed, Plato's entire Kallipolis proposal is a deceptive sop aimed towards the Athenian rulers. How so? Because he insisted that philosophers abandon their traditional Socratic role of social and political criticism and instead devote themselves to maintaining the status quo (defined by Plato). Soothing certitude was now to replace philosophical doubt, a critical disposition and the rhetorical art of refutation. Why? Because Plato had only Plato in mind for the top job, and he certainly did not need any potential usurpers challenging him once he was in power.

Who Is the Chosen One Fit to Rule the Republic?

<36> As demonstrated above, Plato was in the apex position of the talent aristocracy and the first in line in his rational meritocracy, and thus the only man suitable if his philosopher-kingship proposal succeeded. No wonder Sir Karl Popper (1966, p. 156) scathingly concluded: "What a monument of human smallness is this idea of the philosopher king." The fact that Plato spoke through the emotionally resonate character of Socrates, the sage-like dispenser of wisdom who always wins the argument by showing up the ignorance of his straw men foes, was also cunning. It was a deft use of an ancient media front-man. For good or bad, this brand-personality tactic is still used today, especially in the advertising industry. Indeed, the fact that Socrates' opponents nearly always ended their conversations with positive statements affirming Plato's rightness is also cause for suspicion in and of itself. For example, Plato variously recorded them as saying: 'You are right' (p. 131). 'Yes, you are quite right' (p. 149). 'Yes, I agree' (p. 124). 'I entirely agree' (p. 132). 'Heavens, yes!' (p. 161). 'Yes' (pp. 18, 213, 424, 425). 'Of course' (pp. 79, 125, 145). 'True' (pp. 118, 172, 174, 178). 'Very true' (pp. 144, 168). 'Yes, that's true' (p. 432). 'That is very true' (p. 184). 'All that is very true' (p. 171). 'That is certainly true' (p. 156). 'That's perfectly true' (p. 173). 'I agree' (pp. 140, 157, 165, 174). 'I quite agree' (p. 162). 'I agree with you' (p. 173). 'I absolutely agree' (p. 141). 'I entirely agree' (p. 164).

<37> The Republic is riddled ad nauseam with these positive affirmations, the ancient Greek equivalent of Cecil B. DeMille yesmanship. It is thus strongly indicative of Plato's intense egotism, his literary means of shoring up Platonic credibility gaps, and as a form of indoctrination by repetition, the ancient world's equivalent of subliminal advertising. In effect, it was a well-rehearsed positive affirmation to the most important (and unasked) question about him, namely: "Should Plato be the philosopher-king?" The affirmative answer was engineered, predetermined and deafening in its repetition.

Plato's Job Hunting Motivation: Maslowean Impulses Before Maslow

<38> Whether Popper's assertions concerning Plato's motivations are factually true is difficult to verify today given the historical distance involved. However, Kimon Lycos (1987, p. 1), C. D. C. Reeve (1988, p. 3) and Antony Flew (1979, p. 251) all noted a significant change in discourse style between the first book of the Republic and the rest of the books. Anthony Flew (1979, p. 251) attributing this to "a profound crisis in Plato's life, about which it is possible only to speculate." Popper (1966, p. 155) likewise noted that the "Republic shows traces that its author experienced exhilarating and extravagant hopes of success, alternating with periods of despair." These textual observations suggest that maybe Plato was a manic-depressive. Alternatively, he put himself in the role of "commander-in-chief" (Crossman, 1971, p. 82) of his own utopia because of an urgently felt need for status/respect/power/security/protection that was somehow rooted in his profound personal crisis.

<39> Maybe this personal crisis was a delayed after-shock associated with his fiftieth birthday and Socrates' death, which he had extensively (and compulsively?) dwelt upon in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo. Indeed, according to Scott Buchanan (1979, p. 27), Socrates' death "stung Plato into the grasping of his life problem and his life work." Possibly, it also triggered Plato's acute realisation that he needed to be protected from a similar catastrophic event in his old age. And especially considering that:

Socrates, Polemarchus and Niceratus were executed by the city; Cephalus' wealth, a crucial point for the initiation of the question of justice...was expropriated by the city's rulers after is death; Niceratus and Polemarchus were killed for their money (Ophir, 1991, p. 48).

It also makes good business sense to query Plato's motivations for writing the Republic. As Terry Farnsworth (1987, p. 25) counseled: "make no mistake -- disinterested propositions are hard to come by in business and to analyse the proposal is often to discover the motive."

<40> Maybe PPP Plato, as the founder of the Academy, wanted to rectify the lack of respect for his beloved profession, and about which he repeatedly lamented. For example: "who is surprised that society does not value its philosophers" (p. 283). "But I think we've said enough about the reasons for the bad reputation of philosophy and how unjust it is" (p. 293). He was also possibly thinking of Socrates, and how his State-forced suicide dramatically exposed the vulnerability of radical Athenian intellectuals (i.e., Plato and his pals). After all, nobody likes to think that their life's work is worthless, unappreciated, or that it could get you killed, especially for an intellectual snob like Plato. One images him suffering and then seriously responding to the philosopher's equivalent of the "bad" doctor retort, namely: "Physician, heal thy self!" Thus resulting in 'Philosopher, argue for your own protection!' and thus the birth of the Republic, a philosophical response entirely in keeping with the abilities of a professional philosopher. This was Plato's answer to his self-survival fears -- a utopian totalitarianism, with Plato at the helm running the whole show as its commander-in-chief, the philosopher-king.

Conclusion

<41> Such a speculative analysis is not only interesting but also legitimate because the Republic is an acknowledged "labyrinthine book" (Craig, 1994, p. 290), and therefore amenable to a business flavoured text-as-reader-construct analysis as any other text would be. Plato's works, like the Bible and Shakespeare, can be profitably mined for new insights time and time again. Indeed, "the impression it makes on us depends to some extent on the eyes with which we look at it" (Desmond Lee, p. 55), including business eyes. The many provocative ideas and interpretations that it generated throughout the centuries helps explain why "Plato has been seen as a revolutionary, a conservative; a fascist, a communist; a fiercely practical reformer and an ineffective dreamer" (Annas, 1981, p. 1). All these views were just the reflections of its reader's mindsets as they dealt with the concerns of their own day.

<42> In conclusion, Plato's blueprint for a utopian State was fundamentally designed to guarantee Plato's own political ascendancy and personal security as the first philosopher-king. Self-interest rather than social advancement being the root motivation for his stunning attempt at social engineering. This HRM-flavoured analysis therefore gives strong credence to Sir Karl Popper's unflattering critique of the philosopher-king (i.e., Plato) as "a monument of human smallness" (Popper, 1966, p. 156). On the other hand, if fame and respect is measured by being on the lips of other men, then Plato and the Republic is famous and respected, especially if longevity and frequent usage are the tests of classical stature. As an aspiring dictator, Plato mercifully failed, but his ancient politico-business tactics are still being deployed centuries later. The HRM perspective is therefore a worthy addition to the scholar's kit bag of research tools that can be fruitfully applied to other on-going ancient debates. Yet, this small success should not be too surprising because Plato really meant business. No doubt, even greater insights can be mined from the text with a more sustained, detailed, analytical analysis of the Republic. Further research into this exciting book and interdisciplinary field is recommended, warmly welcomed and certainly long over due.

Notes

[1] The term "Human Resource Management" (Blunt, 1986; Schuler et al., 1996) is alternatively known as "Human Resources Management" (Cascio & Awad, 1981; Clark, 1991), "Personnel" (Coleman, 1979) and "Personnel Management" (Flippo, 1976). However, they all refer to the same discipline, techniques and processes, only the labelling fashions have changed. [^]

[2] The 1978 edition of the Republic, and referencing only page numbers herein, will be used throughout. To avoid argument and textual confusion, Plato will be attributed as the source of all the relevant textual quotes, not necessarily the dramatic personas involved. Similarly, translator Desmond Lee's comments will be acknowledged separately by name and page number to avoid further confusion. [^]

References

Adams, S. (1996). The Dilbert Principle: A Cubicle's-eye View of Bosses, Meetings, Management Fads & Other Workplace Afflictions. New York, NY: HarperBusiness.

Ambler, T. (1996). The Financial Times Guide to Marketing: From Advertising to Zen. London: Pitman.

Annas, J. (1981). An Introduction to Plato's Republic. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Bednall, S., & Kanuk, W. (1997). Consumer Behaviour. Sydney: Prentice Hall.

Behr, E. T. (1997). The Tao of Sales: The Easy Way to Sell in Tough Times. Shaftesbury: Element.

Blankenship, J. D. (1996). Education and the arts in Plato's Republic. Journal of Education, 178(3), 67-98.

Buchanan, S. (1979). The Portable Plato. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Cascio, W. F., & Awad, E. M. (1981). Human Resource Management: An Information Systems Approach. Reston, VA: Reston Publishing.

Clark, R. (1991). Australian Human Resources Management: Framework and Practice. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Coleman, C. J. (1979). Personnel: An Open Systems Approach. Cambridge, MA: Winthrop.

Craig, L. H. (1994). The War Lover: A Study of Plato's Republic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Crossman, R. H. S. (1971). Plato Today. London: Unwin Books.

Danto, A. C. (1990). Connections to the World: The Basic Concepts of Philosophy. New York: Harper & Row.

Davis, W., & Jensen, J. (1984). The Corporate Infighter's Handbook: Winning the Office War. London: Sidgwick & Jackson.

de Bono, E. (1976). The Greatest Thinkers. New York: GP Putnam's Sons.

de Bono, E. (1997). Foreword. In A. Gambotto (Ed.), An Instinct for the Kill (pp. xi-xvii). Sydney: HarperCollinsPublishers.

De Crescenzo, L. (1990). The History of Greek Philosophy. Volume Two: Socrates and Beyond. London: Pan.

Farnsworth, T. (1987). Power Plays: The Executive Jungle Survival Guide. London: Ebury Press.

Feibleman, J. K. (1975). Understanding Philosophy: A Popular History of Ideas. London: Souvenir Press.

Ferre, F. (1996). Being and Value: Toward a Constructive Postmodern Metaphysics. New York: State University of New York Press.

Flew, A. (1979). A Dictionary of Philosophy. London: Pan.

Flippo, E. B. (1976). Principles of Personnel Management (4th ed.). Tokyo: McGraw-Hill Kogakusha.

George Jr., C. S. (1972). The History of Management Thought (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Green, K. (1995). The Woman of Reason: Feminism, Humanism and Political Thought. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Handy, C. (1995). Gods of Management: The Changing Work of Organizations. New York: Oxford University Press.

Irwin, T. (1989). A History of Western Philosophy: 1. Classical Thought. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Iuppa, N. V. (1985). Management by Guilt and Other Uncensored Tactics. Belmont, CA: Pitman Books.

Lareau, W. (1985). Conduct Expected: The Unwritten Rules for a Successful Business Career. Piscataway, NJ: New Century.

Latemore, G., & Callan, V. J. (1998). Odysseus for today: Ancient and modern lessons for leaders. Asia Pacific Journal of Human Resources, 36(3), 76-86.

Lavine, T. Z. (1989). From Socrates to Sartre: The Philosophic Quest. New York: Bantam.

Lewis, J. (1969). History of Philosophy. London: The English Universities Press.

Lund, E., Pihl, M., & Slok, J. (1972). A History of European Ideas. London: Reed Education.

Lycos, K. (1987). Plato on Justice and Power: Reading Book I of Plato's Republic. London: Macmillan.

Melling, D. J. (1987). Understanding Plato. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Nersesyants, V. S. (1986). Political Thought of Ancient Greece. Moscow: Progress Publishers.

Ophir, A. (1991). Plato's Invisible Cities: Discourse and Power in the Republic. London: Routledge.

Plato (1978). The Republic (2nd ed.). Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Popper, K. R. (1966). The Open Society and Its Enemies. Volume I. The Spell of Plato. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Reeve, C. D. C. (1988). Philosopher-kings: The Argument of Plato's Republic. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Russell, B. (1988). A History of Western Philosophy. London: Unwin.

Schuler, R. S., Dowling, P. J., Smart, J. P., & Huber, V. L. (1996). Human Resource Management in Australia (2nd ed.). Pymble, NSW: Harper Educational.

Sheckley, R. (1978). Futurepolis. London: Bergstrom & Boyle.

Solomon, R. C., & Higgins, K. M. (1996). A Short History of Philosophy. New York: Oxford University Press.

Stevenson, L. (1987). Seven Theories of Human Nature (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.

Stewart, R. (1997). The Reality of Management (3rd ed.). Oxford: Butterworth-Heineman.

Stumpf, S. E. (1993). Socrates to Sartre: A History of Philosophy (5th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Tam, S., & Anderson, K. (1969). God Owns My Business. Waco, TX: Word Books.

Thomas, C. (1991). There to Here. Ideas of Political Society: John Locke and His Influence on 300 Years of Political Theory. New York, NY: HarperPerenial.

Woodruff, D. (1926). Plato's American Republic. London: Kean Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

Yate, M. J. (1992). Great Answers to Tough Interview Questions: How to Get the Job You Want (3rd ed.). London: Kogan Page.

Young, A. (1986). The Manager's Handbook: The Practical Guide to Successful Management. London: Sphere Reference.