Reconstruction Vol. 13, No. 3/4
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Torn between Allure and Repulsion: English Education and the Madrasa in Contemporary Kerala / Muneer Aram Kuzhiyan (A. K. Muneer Hudawi)
Abstract: Madrasas, traditional Islamic institutions, in India, as elsewhere, have sought to negotiate modernity as well as their identity by introducing modern disciplines like English in their curricula without trying to dilute their essentially religious character. In this article, I attempt to capture and reflect on the socio-psychodynamics of English education in contemporary madrasas in the Malayalam-speaking South Indian state of Kerala. In doing so, the locus as well as focus of analysis will be Darul Huda Islamic University, a twenty-five year old Islamic institution in Malappuram, a district of the largest Muslim population in Kerala. This university and its fifteen affiliates across the state with a combined strength of over 4,000 students at levels ranging from preparatory to postgraduate present a microcosm of “modern model madrasas” that have caught the imagination of the public in Keralite Islam. Embracing English and resisting its cultural baggage, I argue, have been a litmus test for the graduates of this university and their struggles, whether successful or not, to cope with a love-hate relationship with English, a language they are drawn to, yet warned against, have far-reaching consequences for their future endeavours as ulema, professional or not. The article, based also on my own encounter with English whilst at this university, borders on the auto-ethnographical and engages certain questions about the precarious standing of English studies in the Indian classroom. Rather than answering those questions in any significant, determined fashion, the article, however, offers a point of departure for further, much more concerted auto/ethnographic research in this regard. In other words, the article is less an experimental design than a conceptual analysis.
Keywords: Madrasas; ulema; modernity; English education; attitudinal orientation; Kerala; Darul Huda Islamic University; auto/ethnography
Introduction
<1> Traditional Islamic institutions are better known by the Arabic word “madrasas.” The term madrasa (plural madaris; literally, “place of learning”) is a derivative of the Arabic root darasa, which means “to learn, to study,” and is related to dars, the term for lesson. In Arabic, the term may well apply to all sorts of learning centres covering elementary to university-level education, regardless of whether they teach only traditional Islamic subjects or exclusively modern secular subjects with no provision for religious education. However, in much of the non-Arabic speaking parts of Asia, the term is generally deployed in a restricted sense-an institution which is essentially for imparting what is called Islamic education, although what is “Islamic” in this case, as in any other for that matter, has been widely debated. Of the three standard categories of religious schools among Muslims, the madrasa is often reserved for one that teaches from first to tenth grade, the dar ul-ulum (literally, “abode of knowledge”) the eleventh and twelfth, while jamia has collegiate and/ or university status. In this article, I employ the term madrasa to encompass all of these educational institutions, as the university and its affiliates under review offer wide-ranging secondary to postgraduate-level programmes of study in Islamic studies and allied disciplines.
<2> Post 9/11, not only in India but also worldwide, madrasas have been catapulted into the foreground of heated, and at times shrill, debates on modernization and reform (Malik 2008; Noor et al 2008; Riaz 2008; Hefner 2009). While voices of madrasa reform have more or less acknowledged the fact that madrasas are essentially geared to preserving and promoting Islamic knowledge and Muslim identity, a consensus eludes the nature and extent of reform that is sought after and should be put in place. However, the madrasa curriculum and the pedagogical issues have arguably coalesced to form the heart of the reform project over the past few centuries. Modification in the curriculum has often meant, among other things, introducing “modern” education in the madrasas and the role of English in this regard can hardly be overemphasized.
Religious education and the rhetoric of reform: the “modern” juggernaut
<3> Contrary to popular assumptions built around the madrasa such as its resistance to change and its ossified curricula, the madrasa has witnessed recurrent attempts at reform in Muslim societies during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Since the eleventh century, when it first emerged as the pivotal center of Islamic higher learning, the madrasa has undergone many changes, adapting in varying degrees to local cultures and changing times (Zaman 1999). This points to the fact that Muslims have been debating the proper forms of religious education in the face of the challenges and consequences of modernity well before the events of 9/11 put madrasas on the spot. However these changes and reforms may not necessarily conform to the standards set by Western liberalism and it would be a gross mistake to judge the success, merit and relevance of the madrasa through the prism of such a discourse, given the very raison d’être of madrasas is the production, dissemination, promotion and preservation of Islamic learning in a modern world which brought to sharp relief the divide between the religious/the private and the secular/the public, a distinction with little precedent in earlier Muslim societies. Prominent among the categories that have defined the course of the whole discourse on the madrasa is the notion of religion itself. It is modernity that constructed the notion of religion as occupying a distinct sphere in society. Developments in modern Europe, and especially the impact of the Enlightenment, have led not merely to the subordination of religion to the state or the confinement of the former to the sphere of “private’’ life but also to “the construction of religion as a new historical object: anchored in personal experience, expressible as belief-statements, dependent on private institutions, and practiced in one‘s spare time. This construction of religion ensures that it is part of what is inessential to our common politics, economy, science, and morality” (Asad, 1993: 207). The modernity of religion which underpins the discussion of reform raises questions about what makes up religious education, about the usefulness of such education, and, ultimately, about what religion means for Muslim society.
<4> In India familiar distinctions between religious and secular learning have been invoked in colonial analyses of the madrasas, quite as much as in that of other educational institutions. This invocation was found necessary by the British in their effort to understand and regulate the systems of education prevalent in India, to relate them to their own ideas of how education ought to be imparted and to what end, and to reform the local systems in view of their own perceptions. Interestingly enough, this colonial category was internalized by the ulema of the time. Ulema is the plural form of the Arabic a’lim which literally means “scholar,” but takes on a connotation of “(Muslim) religious scholar” in general use, especially in countries where Arabic is not spoken as the first language. The irony is that the ulema are the very people, as Zaman (1999: 295) notes, who are known to dismiss in principle that religion is contained in, or confined to, a watertight private compartment. Subsequently, the modern madrasas established during colonial times aimed to guard the private sphere of Muslims from modernist intrusions. Contemporary madrasas continue to use the colonial dichotomy of public and private spheres to resist state intrusions in their pursuit of a particular kind of religious education. One also sees this dichotomy coming into play in the project of introducing modern subjects like English in the madrasa curriculum in an attempt to revamp the system.
<5> Needless to say, madrasas in India, as elsewhere, have developed their own ways of responding to the changes of the times and have always been in the throes of educational reforms of their own. One of the ways in which they have tried to negotiate modernity as well as their identity has been to introduce modern disciplines like English in their curricula without diluting their essentially religious character (Zaman 1999). Such an inclusion is justified by the invocation of the Islamic notion of useful knowledge (al-‘ilm al-nafi) in that a fairly good knowledge of English is considered indispensable for the preaching of Islam worldwide. According to Sikand (2008: 45), there are chiefly three lines along which the justification for introducing modern disciplines in the madrasas is understood. “First, it is said to be in line with the Islamic understanding of knowledge as all embracing, covering both ‘ibadat (worship) as well as mu’amilat (social relations, worldly pursuits). Second, introducing modern disciplines is said to be essential in order for Muslims to prosper in this world, in addition to the next. Third, it is seen as essential in order for the ulema to engage in tableeq, or Islamic missionary work.’’
<6> It is important to note that the criterion of useful learning, though in a different sense, has been another fundamental category of education under modernity, as exemplified by the English Utilitarians such as James Mill (d. 1836). This notion of usefulness has shaped the British approaches to India’s problems of education in general, and more specifically their negative opinion of the madrasa education and the urge to reform it. When religion, leave alone the madrasa, fell out of favour with the Utilitarian colonial prism, ironically the ulema defended the madrasa system deploying the same modern colonial categories of useful knowledge and privatized faith (Zaman 1999). However, whether the reform initiatives in the form of teaching modern disciplines in the madrasa ultimately serve the interests of religious learning or turn counterproductive is still a bone of contention among the ulema. After all, the fear of subjects like English eating into the province of religious disciplines that are the life force of madrasas has not been entirely without substance. This shows the precarious standing of English as a modern discipline in the curricula of contemporary madrasas.
English and contemporary Islamic institutions in Kerala: the making of strange bedfellows?
<7> Keeping the above-mentioned insights in the background, in what follows I try to foreground the socio-psychodynamics of the learning, teaching and use of English in contemporary madrasas in the Malayalam–speaking South Indian state of Kerala. The locus and focus of this study, for the sake of both clarity and convenience, is Darul Huda Islamic University (hereafter Darul Huda), a twenty-five year old Islamic learning centre in a district of the largest Muslim population in Kerala. This university, formerly an academy, was established in 1986 by the leaders of Sunni Mahallu Federation, a feeder wing of All Kerala Federation of Sunni Ulema, on an experimental basis as an improvement up on the existing traditional Islamic institutions popularly known as “mosque schools." [1] The term “mosque school” is my literal translation of “palli dars,” an Arabic-Malayalam compound word for a place of various levels of Islamic education based in mosques and mainly run on charity. The oldest hub of traditional Islamic education in Kerala, as elsewhere, palli dars has played an indisputable role in fashioning and consolidating the edifice of Islamic learning and research among the Mappilas of Kerala. The numerous Islamic/Arabic colleges and learning centres dotting the religious landscape of Kerala today are modern-day avatars of the old, traditional “mosque school,” which is currently not finding many takers in the modern world where the fissures between the religious and the secular have deepened to the advantage of the latter. However, this is not to say that modernity has succeeded in pushing religion into the margins of human society, but to allude to the way modernity has manufactured the category of religion/private sphere in order for it (religion) to serve as its (modernity) “other.”
<8> There are in the main two reasons why I have chosen this university as a representative sample of traditional Islamic institutions in Kerala today. First, this institution is the foremost among the relatively novel stream of religious educational systems in Keralite Islam that have experimented with form of education, and syllabi and curricula by trying to phase in a rare blend of the so-called Islamic sciences and secular disciplines, including English. The unprecedented example of Darul Huda, which revolutionized the way Islamic education was configured and imparted in Kerala, has been keenly emulated, though in different ways, by other Muslim educational organizations in the state, the most notable among them is Co-ordination of Islamic Colleges. [2] Second, this umbrella institution with its fifteen affiliates across Kerala prides itself on a student population of over 4,000, the largest such venture in the state, and therefore has much to offer as a cross-section of modern “model” madrasas in contemporary Kerala.
<9> Darul Huda is arguably the State’s flagship Islamic learning centre which offers upperprimary, secondary , intermediate and advanced courses (including undergraduate and postgraduate courses) spread over a period of 12 years. Doing away with the conventions of formal education such as the “ten plus two” pattern so vital to current educational scenario, Darul Huda exploits the myriad possibilities that a “parallel” road to education can extend to Islamic education in Kerala. Located in the village of Chemmad in Malappuram district, the heartland of the Mapilla Muslims of Malabar, this institution is the boldest initiative ever undertaken by Kerala’s Sunni ulema to promote reforms in their madrasa system. Interestingly, English has been a compulsory subject on this institution’s curricula since its inception in 1986. At present, Darul Huda has more than 1000 students and almost 60 teachers on its rolls. This institution has grown into a fully-fledged Islamic university only recently, following its recognition by the League of Islamic Universities based in Cairo, Egypt. The university, which started merely as a pilot project, has soon carved out a space for itself in the religious education scenario in the state, attracting as its affiliates numerous Islamic degree colleges across Kerala and beyond. The total student strength of the university’s affiliated colleges stands at over 3,000. The university has also secured recognition of its degree by certain government-funded universities such as the Aligarh Muslim University (Aligarh), which allows its graduates to enter these universities for higher studies.
<10> The avowed aim of Darul Huda is to train generations of young Muslim scholars in almost all facets of scholarship and expertise necessary to spread the message of Islam the world over. To revisit the conception of the very idea of this institution, and also of its affiliates, language barrier among the contemporary ulema seemed to stand in their way of interacting with the world beyond home. Similarly, the lack of a basic familiarity with modern disciplines and technology also prevented ulema from effectively responding to the changes of the times. This led the Muslim scholars and educationists in Kerala to rethink the prevalent religious education system and they all wanted a change –a change for the better. Concerted efforts were soon afoot to establish centres of higher Islamic learning which sought to bring under one single roof both the so-called religious and modern education. Darul Huda was the most significant development in this regard.
<11> While madrasas, which provide its students with not only free education but also free board and lodging, have generally remained the only source of education for many poor Muslims, and for the same reason religious education has often been looked down upon by the Muslim elite, Darul Huda, despite its charitable status, I argue, has succeeded in attracting even students from the well-to-do families to the pursuit of Islamic learning. The new scheme of education that Darul Huda represents, particularly the presence of modern subjects like English on its curriculum, among other things, has been a catalyst for this change in popular attitude towards traditional Islamic institutions in Kerala. It is worthy of mention that Darul Huda gives great importance to language learning with English , along with Arabic, Urdu and Malayalam, the mother tongue, becoming subjects on the curriculum almost on a par with, but not at all at the expense of, leading Islamic sciences such as Quranic exegesis, Hadith and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). The spirit behind this move is quite religious in that students who are prospective preachers of Islam achieve adequate mastery over these languages, not least English, in order for them to carry out their responsibilities towards their faith in more meaningful a fashion in a world of unprecedented change in all walks of life.
<12> A quick look at the rationale behind the teaching of English at this university is advisable here. As scholars have pointed out, student motivation, social desirability, and feasibility are essential to an examination and evaluation of a course of study (Lukmani 1992). Attitudinal orientation towards studying a second language has been the subject of enquiry before (Gardener and Lambert 1959: Lukmani1992: Agnihotri and Khanna 1997). A key notion of attitudinal studies is the distinction between integrative and instrumental orientation. According to “integrative orientation” a student desires to integrate themselves with the culture of the community associated with the language they study, for instance, English. On the other hand, “instrumental orientation” is concerned with the purpose of studying a particular language only to achieve some specific goals, such as employability, while holding fast to one’s own culture and ethos (Gardener and Lambert 1959). The positive or otherwise relationship between these forms of orientation and the acquisition of language proficiency has varied from country to country and the whole question of the integrative-instrumental dyad is not free from controversy (Lukmani 1992).
<13> As a matter of policy, Darul Huda has envisaged its English programmes in such a way that encourages students to be instrumentally oriented to study the English language. The School of Languages at the university comprises four departments, namely, Department of English, Department of Arabic, Department of Urdu, and Department of Malayalam. All graduates of the university are expected to acquire intermediate to advanced level fluency/proficiency in all the four languages. They take courses on these languages right from the start of their enrolment in the university around the age of 11. However, the fluency/proficiency level varies from student to student, and from language to language, depending on one’s special interests and predilections. The following outline of the university’s curriculum for undergraduate English programme may well illustrate the point:
Draft Curriculum |
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Undergraduate English as a Second Language Programme (UGESLP) |
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Total course of study: Three years |
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Total semesters: Six semesters |
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Distribution of courses across semesters |
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Semester |
Course Code |
Course Title |
Hours/ Week |
Marks |
1 |
UGESLP-1 |
Functional Grammar |
As per existing arrangement (5 hrs) |
Written test: 75 % Internal Assessment: 25% |
2 |
UGESLP-2 |
Listening & Speaking Skills |
’’’ |
Written test: 50% Internal Assessment: 50% |
3 |
UGESLP-3 |
Academic Reading & Writing-A |
’’’ |
Written test: 75 % Internal Assessment: 25% |
4 |
UGESLP-4 |
Academic Reading & Writing-B |
’’’ |
’’’ |
5 & 6 |
UGESLP-5 & 6 |
English Project in Academic writing/Creative Writing/Translation (in any one area of the student’s choice). Note: This is in addition to the common/core English courses a DHIU student may take as part of his BA programme from other public universities such as University of Calicut. |
One tutorial & one library hour Note: If weekly tutorials are not workable as per existing teaching load, at least one monthly tutorial may be held per student/or a small group. This should be with the project supervisor the student is working with. |
50% |
Final Viva Voce (50 marks) |
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To be conducted at the end of the programme in the sixth semester by an external panel of experts involving relevant Hudawi scholars and other available English professors/experts across and beyond Kerala, who are appreciative of the educational system that DHIU stands for. |
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The viva voce is the culmination of the UGESLP and should be utilized to assess how far students have benefited from the programme. For logistical reasons, this UGESLP viva could be held along with the DHIU final viva common to all subjects. It is recommended that a whole day be devoted to the UGESLP viva so that each candidate gets a fairly good chance to be interviewed and tested for his communication skills. |
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{Draft Restructured Curriculum for Undergraduate English as a Second Language Programme (UGESLP), effective from the Academic Year 2012-13 onwards, (Chemmad: Board of Studies in English, Darul Huda Islamic University, 2012, pp. 4-5)}
It may be noted that the nomenclature “UGESLP” is unmistakably unambiguous about the communicative aspects of English that lie at the heart of the programme, as is later reinforced by the courses concerned.
<14> The difference in orientation between teaching English as an instrument of communication and teaching it in order for the student to appreciate “literature” appears to be central to Darul Huda’s English education policy. The university treads the “instrumental’ path lest the literature classroom should “shape the mind of the student so that it can resemble the mind of the so-called implied reader of the literary text” (Spivak 1992: 276). Many critics have already dwelled on the imperial agenda of using English literature as an instrument of ideology (Eagleton 1976; Viswanathan 1990; Spivak 1992). As is evident from the history of education in British India, English as the study of culture, with such values as the proper development of character, or the shaping of critical thought or the formation of the aesthetic sense assigned to it, had already established itself as an academic subject on the British Indian curriculum way back in the 1820s when England was still under the spell of the classical curriculum (Viswanathan 1990). The project of empire betrays how best English literature served as a vehicle for ideological transformation. Given these ideological imbrications of English Studies with imperialism and Eurocentrism, it is no surprise that the ulema, even as they promote the study of the English language, have been on their guard against teaching English literature as a course of study in their institutions. The ulema had to do a very balancing act here: while getting students to acquire good functional English, they had to see to it that such a move should not jeopardize the learning of Islamic sciences which are the very life force of Muslim religious institutions. Though there exists a widely –held, yet not adequately theorized, assumption that literature is central to language teaching, there is reason to believe that the “literariness of language’ is a highly contested issue. Ordinary language can also be a potential source where one can find the same qualities of language a literary text is said to figure forth, but then again, we should resist the temptation to present an antinomy between literature and language, viewing them as mutually exclusive, because, if used wisely, literature could be of great help to teaching language.
<15> At Darul Huda, English is not taught as an end in itself but rather as a means to the ultimate end of tablig, the responsibility incumbent on Muslims of disseminating the message of Islam, cutting across national barriers. Therefore, unlike regular universities, the students of this institution are not encouraged to pursue English literature as an academic discipline. Though students are free to pursue a BA in English literature at a distance from a public university, and some students indeed do, Darul Huda’s own curricular objectives never stress a pursuit of English literature in itself. Instead, they constantly motivate students to gain a good command of English so as to express themselves most effectively in the language for purposes dear to them, including countering anti-Islamic writings. The idea is to assert one’s religious identity by negotiating and engaging modernity, and mastering English is considered to be the best possible way to speak and write back Caliban like. This is a “strategic” utilitarian, “study words, not ideas” approach to English, the self-same approach the British, like Lord Curzon, resented while bemoaning the failure of English literary education in India (Viswanathan, 1990).
Conclusion: the scope for an auto/ethnography
<16> In the final analysis, the general problem of English education in India with its ideological baggage aggravates in the case of the contemporary Indian Muslim, the custodian of a faith whose relation to modern liberal ethos is all the more porous. Emptying English of its ideological and cultural kernel is easier said than done. Embracing English and resisting/rejecting all that it stands for have been a litmus test for the graduates of this university. Whether they have succeeded in their English or not, their struggles to cope with a love-hate relationship with English, a language they are drawn to, yet warned against, have far-reaching consequences for their post-university endeavours as ulema, professionally and/or otherwise.
<17> The allure of English on one hand is counterpoised by its threat, on the other, to the religious identity of the institution and its graduates who struggle to work their way through the pulls and pushes of a modern world. In other words, the apparent utilitarian emphasis on English that undergirds the university’s curricula is tempered with a fear that knowledge of English, or any “worldly” knowledge for that matter, might tempt students away from their pursuit of religion, and hence has to be dealt with very cautiously. This ambivalence about English, or what Spivak (1992) calls “the burden of English,” is most evident when one explores this new Islamic university’s tryst with the language. The pedagogical and socio-psychological aspects of English education at this traditional Sunni centre of learning in Kerala shed a flood of light on how and why English is employed by the contemporary ulema to negotiate Islam, identity and modernity. A sustained auto/ethnography of the graduates of this university will help thicken the description of to what extent English turns out to be a poisoned chalice in traditional Islamic institutions as they grapple with the tear and wear of a modern world, which rather than showing religion the door from the public sphere “reshape(s) the form it takes, the subjectivities it endorses, and the epistemological claims it can make” (Mahmood, 2006: 326). This article, based also on my own encounter with English whilst at this university, borders on the auto-ethnographical and engages certain questions about the precarious standing of English studies in the Indian classroom. Rather than answering those questions in any significant, determined fashion, the article, however, offers a point of departure for further, much more concerted auto/ethnographic research in this regard. In other words, the article is less an experimental design than a conceptual analysis.
Notes
[1] I am a graduate of this university, then an academy and I taught English there for a couple of years. The graduates of this university are conferred the title of ‘Hudawi’ at convocations on successful completion of the 12-year course of study, the word “Hudawi” being a derivative (adjective of relation) of the Arabic noun “huda,” part of the name of the university. All information about this university, including the curricula for various programmes of study, can be obtained from the official website of the university http://www.darulhuda.com/. For a better understanding of Darul Huda’s educational vision and mission, see Bahauddin Muhammed Nadwi, ed. Matha Vidhyabhyasam: Kalam, Desham, Samskaram (Religious Education: Time, Space, and Culture), (Chemmad: Darul Huda Islamic University, 2011) and Bahauddin Muhammed Nadwi, ed. Naqib-e-Huda (The Lead of Guidance), (Chemmad: Darul Huda Islamic University, 2011).
[2] Co-ordination of Islamic Colleges (CIC) is yet another Islamic academic organization in Kerala which has sought to combine Islamic studies with modern secular subjects. Established in 2000, the CIC serves as an umbrella body for more than twenty Islamic colleges across Kerala, better known as “Wafy colleges”-so called after the title of the degree conferred on the graduates of these colleges after a successful eight-year course of study. For more on this, log on to http://www.wafycic.com/.
Works cited
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